Primary Source Set

Racial Integration in K-12 Schools

In the mid-20th century, the Supreme Court ruled that schools were no longer able to segregate students by race. This collection uses high school yearbooks, newspaper articles, photographs, video and oral history to illustrate how education changed between the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling and the mid-1970s, when North Carolina finally met the requirements set by that case.

Time Period

1950s to 1970s

Grade Level

7 – 12

Transcript

Race Group Urges Integration Here By Staff Writer Raleigh—In a session Tuesday afternoon the Raleigh Citizens Association, through a special committee, headed by H C. High. Sr., implored the Raleigh School Board to take the people of the community in its confidence and hold free and open discussions about the issue of integration. The purpose of the call made by the Negro representatives was to ascertain what progress, if any, was being made by the Raleigh School Board in line with the United States Supreme Court’s edict that a prompt and good start be made in all sections where school segregation has not been the custom. The only answer that the board gave was to point to its earlier statement that nothing would be done concerning integration during the school year 1955-56. It was significant that no promise was made that anything would be done next year. The board refused to commit itself to any program for next year and dismissed the matter with the statement that plans for next year would be made in April of 1956. Board member Leroy Martin, the apparent spokesman, wanted to know how many members the citizens' group was composed of, who they were, why was integration being asked for and how many Negroes in Raleigh wanted integration? The last question was answered by the Rev. G. A. Fisher, president of the association, who said, “Every Negro in Raleigh would ask for integration if they were free to do so.” The Rev. Fisher accused the board of merely making time while follow Governor Hodges and the Advisory Committee on Education's suggestion that the Negroes of North Carolina adopt the so-called voluntary segregation plan. Rev. Fisher reminded the board that it had no alternative (Continued on page 12) in the matter because the ruling of the United States Supreme Court was mandatory and no loop hope for escape. The school board was told by the group that it had ducked and dodged this issue long enough and it could at least evidence good faith by sitting down with a committee of representative citizens of both race to discuss the pros and cons of the matter. Jesse O. Sanderson, Superintendent of the Raleigh Public Schools, indicated what may be his thinking as a possible solution of the matter when he asked what the committee what a referendum on the subject would reveal. Sanderson also informed the committee that the school board had no desire to prohibit the appearance of group representatives from appearing before it. He also stated that a request for a hearing by interested citizens was needed in order for the board to make the necessary arrangements for the accommodation of the group. The board promised to give consideration to the memorandum submitted to it by the citizens' group during its next regular meeting in January, 1956. This memorandum was, in effect, a request that the board appoint a citizens committee to help it work out a program for compliance with the law. NAACP Says South Defying Integration Tampa, Fla.—“Little progress" toward desegregation in the heart of the South was reported here Sunday by the Southeastern Advisory Board of the NAACP. The 31-member board reported that Southern officials charged with carrying out the U.S. Supreme Court’s school desegregation ruling "are doing everything possible to circumvent and defy it.” In some sections, the board said, "there is not only defiance, but open and inflammatory appeals to passions, ignorance and prejudice ..." It reported little satisfaction in the picture in Mississippi, South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and Florida. Tennessee, it found, is the "most hopeful of the Southeastern states, with integration already begun in one school system. The board condemned newspapers, which, it said, printed "slanted news . . helping to build up the climate in which deeds of violence are committed." Here is the board’s state-by-state breakdown of its findings: Mississippi—Most discouraging picture in Southeast. “A complete breakdown of law and order" blamed on top officials "and most of the so-called responsible citizens banded together in a vicious conspiracy." South Carolina— Offers little encouragement for Negro leaders (Continued on page 12) ...fiant states." Gov. Marvin Griffin an "irresponsible and emotional" man. Georgia— "One of the most de- North Carolina — The governor has "chosen to flout the law" but the citizens of many communities willing to integrate. Alabama— Little action toward compliance with the Supreme Court ruling. Florida— Disappointment that this state "has done so little" for school integration.

Two articles from The Carolinian, published in Raleigh, N.C. (1955)

The Carolinian is a Black-owned and run newspaper based in Raleigh. In 1955, it was owned by Paul Reginald Jervay Sr., an experienced publisher with family ties to journalism. Black newspapers like The Carolinian often covered issues and perspectives omitted from white-owned publications. In the 1930s, this paper had a “Schools & Colleges” section, which featured Black schools from around the state.

Contributed to DigitalNC by Olivia Raney Local History Library

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Raleigh, N.C. (Wake County)

Background

In the early and mid-20th century, students in North Carolina attended schools based on their race. Despite segregationists’ “separate but equal” mantra, schools for white children were often better-resourced, with more money for buildings and school supplies. While schools for Black children usually received less money for textbooks, staff salaries, and facilities, they were still vibrant and close-knit communities. Students identifying as other races, including Native American students, were sometimes educated at Black schools and sometimes able to create schools for themselves, including the High Plains School in Person County. In 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka that schools were no longer able to segregate students by race. However, it took North Carolina 17 years before our state’s schools met the conditions of the Brown v. Board ruling.

Between 1954-1972, lawmakers and community groups debated the best ways to racially integrate schools. Many white families opposed integration and protested by staying home from school or moving to newly-formed private schools. Meanwhile, many Black families worried about leaving the schools they knew, many of which were dissolved as part of integration. One of the largest debates about integration was about busing, a method where students would be bussed across their districts to create schools with racially-balanced student bodies. This method led to the Supreme Court case Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education (1971), which confirmed busing as an appropriate strategy and served as the basis for cases around the country.

While the legacy of school integration is complex, this period affected the educational paths of many North Carolinians. One way to more fully understand how students’ lives were changed is to look at examples from yearbooks, photographs, and newspaper articles from this time. In particular, Black community newspapers and yearbooks from Black high schools offer several viewpoints about transitioning to majority-white schools.

Discussion Questions

  1. When did N.C. public schools become racially integrated? Was it in 1954 after Brown v. Board of Education? Was it in 1972, when the state finally met the requirements of the Brown v. Board ruling? Was it sometime in between or after?

  2. Take a look at Gohisca [1971] from Goldsboro High School and Charger [1971] from Wayne Country Day School. What differences do you see? How do the attitudes of students differ? What do these differences tell you about the motivations of private schools during this time period?

  3. Consider the two articles from The Carolinian (Raleigh, N.C.) and the two yearbook excerpts from The Panther [1968] and The Pricean [1969]. What are some of the contrasting feelings coming from community members, school staff, and students? Why do you think each of these authors has these feelings?

  4. In his interview, Tony Brown says that he was glad he stayed at his majority Black school, saying, “We had a lot of very, very caring teachers and it was a smaller environment, nurturing environment.” Given the reactions of some white students and families toward integration, what do you think about Brown’s stance?

  5. School integration in the South sometimes began with one or a few Black students moving to an all-white school (like in the case of Gwendolyn Bailey). Take a moment to imagine yourself in their position. Would you go through with it? Why or why not?

  6. Take a look at The Hilltopper [1963]. This is a yearbook from the first year that Native American students had to attend Bethel Hill High School (previously an all-white school). What surprises you about this yearbook? What do you think this school year was like for students?

  7. If you were a N.C. lawmaker in 1954, what plans would you propose to integrate schools? Would you move all students into the white schools for their resources? Would you use buses to transport students and make the schools racially representative? Would you allow families to choose which schools they wanted to attend?

This primary source set was compiled by Sophie Hollis.

Updated October 2023