Primary Source Set

Textile Workers & Labor Movements

The textile industry was a major part of North Carolina’s economy in the 20th century. Beginning in the 1920s, low pay, long hours, and dangerous working conditions led textile workers to organize into labor unions, which helped them negotiate for changes. This set uses photographs, newspaper clippings, and propaganda materials to build the story of one of North Carolina’s most famous labor movements—the Loray Mill strike of 1929—and the resurgence of unions in popular culture 50 years later.

Time Period

1920s-1930s and 1970s

Grade Level

8 – 12

Transcript

GREENSBORO DAILY NEWS THURSDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1980 City / State Will Town Live Happily Ever After? BY BOB HILES Dally News Staff Writer ROANOKE RAPIDS The green doors on the side of J.P. Stevens & Co.'s Rosemary plant vibrate with the shug-a-shug roar from the weaving machines packed inside the red brick building. As long as the doors shake with life, Roanoke Rapids exists. It has been that way for 84 years, since the first textile mill along the Roanoke River in northeastern North Carolina begat the town itself. Roanoke Rapids residents feel they have been sitting on a time bomb since the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union began organizing Stevens workers in 1964. The union finally won a contract for the 3,000 Stevens workers. And Roanoke Rapids' 17,000 residents hope the bomb has finally been defused. But there is a feeling among workers and businessmen that Stevens will have the last explosive say in the matter. Some fear, for example, the company may eventually close the mills because of unhappiness with the union vote and desert the town. Stevens officials have not indicated any such move and say they will continue to improve working conditions in Roanoke Rapids. The agreement signed Sunday gave workers a 2 1/2-year contract and about $1,300 in back pay. Pay raises brought them up to the level that 35,000 non­union workers have been earning from the nation's second largest textile producer. Despite the settlement, there was little celebration Sunday night. Instead of the town coming to life with the heady feeling of a long struggle finally at its end, the reaction among workers was subdued after the spurt of cheers that followed the unanimous vote itself. Workers, for the most part, say they favor the union, are glad the contract has finally been signed and are happy. The business community takes a stand that is right astride the fence. Yes, business people say, they're glad the dispute has finally been settled. Beyond that, they won't comment publicly on what the struggle has done to the city and their fear that Stevens may pull up stakes and leave. "If it weren't for Stevens, we wouldn't have a town," says 52-year-old barber Elery Parnell as he clips the thin white hair of an elderly customer. "If we lose them, we lose Roanoke Rapids." "The merchants have been hurt," says a businessman who promised candor in exchange for anonymity. "Things have been rough since the workers were denied the last two pay raises, and business has suffered." The businessman says the reason merchants keep quiet is because they don't want to anger either Stevens (the company's assessed property value is $47.7 million, nearly 20-percent of the city's total) or the textile workers, whose $3 million in back pay is expected to turn the local economy around. Giles Hopkins, executive vice-president of the Roanoke Valley Chamber of Commerce, says business at the chamber's credit bureau has been down 30 per cent this year. Some merchants will say off-the­record that they favored the company's anti-union stance but preferred to be innocent bystanders and didn't get involved in the dispute. Says the Rev. Marvin Faile of the 2,000 member First Baptist church, "My personal opinion is I feel unions are unfair. I know what a company pays when I go to work for them. If I'm not satisfied, I would go somewhere else. I believe in being loyal to the company. If I was not satisfied here my ethics and integrity would call for me to resign and trust the Lord for a church elsewhere." Faile, who worked in a South Carolina cotton mill as a teen-ager, said his church did not get involved in the dispute in any way, even to promote an open dialogue. (See Will Town: D-2, Col. 1)

"Will Town Live Happily Ever After?" Greensboro Daily News [October 23, 1980]

Just like in Gastonia in 1929, public sentiment was divided on unionization in the J.P. Stevens plant in Roanoke Rapids. This article touches on some of the tension in the town in 1980, when many residents feared the plant would close and significantly disrupt the local economy.

Contributed to DigitalNC by Alamance Community College

View Original View Transcript

Roanoke Rapids, N.C. (Halifax County)

Background

In the 1920s and ‘30s, North Carolina was one of the largest producers of textiles in the country. This was partially due to the state’s natural resources, like cotton, and the demand for uniforms during World War I (1914-1918). Textile companies were also interested in the workers of North Carolina, who they could pay very low wages. As a result, many North Carolinians worked in textile mills that spun cotton into fabric for making clothes, blankets, towels, and other apparel products. Most of these workers faced long hours and dangerous working conditions among the machinery and fabric dyes in addition to low pay. However, the textile industry was so large that in many towns, mills were one of the few options for work. The challenge to find better jobs was made even harder after the Wall Street Crash of 1929 and the Great Depression that followed.

One of the ways that textile workers were able to petition for higher pay, fewer hours, and better working conditions was by joining a labor union and going on strike. A labor union is an organization of workers who use their combined power to negotiate for better pay and working conditions. If the workers are unable to come to an agreement with their boss, they may use a strike as a tool to add pressure. A strike is a protest where all of the workers stop doing their jobs, forcing a business to temporarily shut down.

One of the most famous strikes in North Carolina was at the Loray Mill in Gastonia in the summer of 1929. The Loray Mill was then one of the largest cotton mills in the South, employing about 5,000 people. The strike began with help from Northern union organizers Fred Beal and Ellen Dawson, who advocated for the National Textile Workers Union in Gastonia (NTWU). The NTWU’s association with the Communist Party led many townspeople to feel distrustful of the union, and members of the National Guard were called in by the Governor to mitigate violence. However, on June 7, 1929, local police visited the strikers’ tent camp, and Police Chief Aderholt was shot and killed. Several strikers were arrested on murder charges, including Beal. This led to surges of violence between strikers and anti-Communists, including the kidnapping of several workers and the assassination of Ella May Wiggins, a mill worker who wrote and performed ballads about working conditions. After Wiggins’ death, the strike ended without bargaining, leaving many of the area wary of labor unions.

Textile worker unions struggled to get a foothold in North Carolina after the Loray Mill strike. In 1934, when union membership rose under the federal protections of the F. D. Roosevelt administration, some 300,000-500,000 textile workers all along the East Coast went on strike. Though many from North Carolina participated, they did not receive increased pay or improved working conditions when the strike ended (though some improvements were made in the North, where unions were more powerful). As with the Loray Mill strike, this led many people to give up hope in labor unions. Finally, in 1947, North Carolina passed a right-to-work law, which greatly limits unions’ power.

Then, in the 1970s and ‘80s, unions reappeared in the public consciousness through the story of Crystal Lee Sutton, which was popularized in the fictional film Norma Rae (1979). Sutton was a textile worker in the J.P. Stevens mill in Roanoke Rapids, N.C. Frustrated by the pay and working conditions, Sutton helped build a coalition of Black and white textile workers who wanted to unionize. Though she was fired in 1978 for her efforts, the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) began to represent workers at the plant, and the union was able to secure a new contract and back pay for workers in 1980. Though Sutton said that Norma Rae does not represent her true life story, she did credit it for “teach[ing] people about unions.”

Discussion Questions

  1. Look at the photos of the outside and inside of the Loray Mill. How would you describe it? Have you ever seen a workplace like this before?

  2. What are some of the reasons that mill workers might want to unionize? Why might some workers not want to unionize? What risks did workers face in joining unions?

  3. Both the Loray Mill strike of 1929 and the J.P. Stevens strike in the 1970s were led by women (Ellen Dawson and Ella May Wiggins in 1929, and Crystal Lee Sutton in 1973). Why were women able to successfully take on leadership roles in these movements in decades when they had fewer civil liberties than men?

  4. Take a look at the two examples of pro-union propaganda, “The Danger of Being Scared Stiff” and “That message from Your Boss.” What do you think about these materials? Are they convincing? Why or why not?

  5. Compare “Public Sentiment Controls Court Action in Gaston and Mecklenburg,” from 1929 and  “Will Town Live Happily Ever After?” from 1980. Both articles talk about townspeople’s opposition to labor unions after the two strikes. What are some of the reasons that people distrusted unions? Why might the public side with the mills?

  6. Both Ella May Wiggins and Crystal Lee Sutton worked with Black mill workers and community members as they organized. How might the decision to join a union have been different for Black workers? What other risks or benefits would they face during these time periods?

  7. What about Crystal Lee Sutton’s story makes it a compelling choice for a movie? Since many people were distrustful of unions, why do you think Norma Rae (1979) was so popular?

This primary source set was compiled by Sophie Hollis.

Updated January 2025